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He asserted that people would no longer submit to what he described as the “oppressive policies” of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Kharge also said the BJP would be held accountable for its actions. The Congress leader further alleged that people questioning the government faced imprisonment, young demonstrators were subjected to baton charges, and women protesters experienced police brutality. He also accused authorities of allowing members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) to act with impunity.
Kharge’s remarks came amid protests in Delhi organised by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) and other political groups over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. On October 10, Delhi Police reportedly deployed around 41,000 personnel and detained nearly 7,000 people. Authorities also barricaded Jantar Mantar and imposed access restrictions at 45 Metro stations, according to the report.
The issue subsequently reached the Supreme Court, with petitions challenging restrictions on demonstrations and the detention of protesters and journalists. Kharge also criticised Union Home Minister Amit Shah over his reported description of 133 million people excluded during the SIR exercise as “infiltrators”. Calling the remark an affront to Indian identity, Kharge said that labelling 13.3 crore Indians in this manner was an insult to the country’s sense of Indianness.
Disclaimer: This image is taken from Hindustan Times.

Elon Musk’s public criticism of India’s regulatory authorities has brought renewed attention to the growing tension between powerful technology executives and sovereign governments. Frustrated by delays in securing final approvals for Starlink’s commercial launch in India, Musk appears to be treating the regulatory process as an obstacle to technological progress and consumer choice. His reaction, however, raises a more fundamental question about the relationship between commercial influence and national authority. Does technological leadership give a company the right to dictate the terms of its entry into another country’s market? India’s position should make the answer clear: it does not.
At the heart of this controversy is the apparent expectation that Starlink’s advanced satellite technology, international presence and promise of connecting underserved communities should be enough to secure faster approval. When the government does not move at the pace a company desires, it becomes tempting to portray the regulatory system as inefficient or hostile to innovation. This is a familiar strategy in the technology industry, where commercial disagreements are often reframed as battles between entrepreneurial ambition and bureaucratic resistance. Such arguments can generate publicity and attract support online, but they do little to resolve questions involving security, licensing and compliance.
India should not be expected to accept this framing. Its regulatory institutions derive their authority from the country's laws and constitutional framework, not from the approval of a foreign billionaire. India welcomes international investment, competition and technological innovation, but these opportunities come with responsibilities. A company seeking access to one of the world's largest consumer markets must understand that commercial success does not entitle it to preferential treatment. Nor should the global reputation of its founder influence decisions that must be made in the public interest.
The government's approach to satellite communications reflects these principles. Starlink, Reliance Jio's satellite communications business and Bharti-backed Eutelsat OneWeb have been subject to regulatory requirements that include security assessments and other conditions governing commercial operations. Communications Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia has stressed the importance of preventing monopolies and ensuring that the necessary requirements are met before spectrum is assigned. The objective is to establish a framework in which satellite operators can compete without compromising national interests.
These are legitimate responsibilities for any government. Satellite communications is not simply another consumer service that can be introduced whenever a company considers itself ready. Low-Earth-orbit satellite networks can provide valuable connectivity to remote communities, islands and areas where conventional infrastructure is difficult to establish. At the same time, their operation raises important questions about network management, spectrum use, data handling, lawful oversight and national security. The government must assess these issues before allowing a service to operate commercially across the country.
India's security environment makes such scrutiny especially important. The country has sensitive international borders, strategically significant maritime areas and internal security challenges that demand careful oversight of communications infrastructure. Reports concerning the recovery of Starlink terminals during sensitive operations in Manipur and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands have added to concerns about the potential use of satellite equipment outside authorised arrangements. The precise circumstances of individual incidents require careful verification, but the broader lesson remains relevant: authorities need effective safeguards governing the activation, use and monitoring of satellite communications systems.
Musk may maintain that Starlink has developed suitable security measures and made the necessary arrangements to meet Indian requirements. Such claims deserve serious technical consideration, but they cannot replace independent assessment by the relevant authorities. The responsibility for determining whether an operator has fulfilled the conditions for market entry belongs to the Indian government. It is not a decision that can be settled by public declarations from a company's chief executive or by appeals to the popularity of its technology.
The problem with Musk's confrontational approach is that it risks turning a regulatory process into a personal contest over influence. By presenting delays as evidence of institutional failure, he risks dismissing legitimate questions that any responsible government would need to examine. For a company seeking long-term commercial success in India, this is hardly a constructive strategy. Regulatory trust is built through transparency, compliance and sustained engagement, not by suggesting that authorities should change their approach because an influential executive is dissatisfied.
There is also a contradiction in portraying Starlink's expansion entirely as a campaign for consumer freedom. Competition is important, and satellite internet could give Indian consumers and businesses additional connectivity options. However, consumer choice does not require the government to abandon its responsibility to regulate critical infrastructure. A country can encourage competition while maintaining security standards, protecting users and ensuring that providers operate under consistent rules. These objectives are not mutually exclusive.
India's digital development could benefit considerably from satellite broadband. In remote villages, mountainous regions and geographically isolated communities, traditional networks can be expensive to build and maintain. Satellite services may help improve access to education, healthcare, digital payments and public services. They could also provide an alternative when terrestrial networks are unavailable or disrupted. Starlink's technology therefore has the potential to contribute to India's connectivity goals, provided it meets the conditions established by the authorities.
But the public value of a technology cannot become an argument for granting its provider special exemptions. Many businesses enter markets with products that offer economic or social benefits, yet they remain subject to the laws governing their activities. Starlink should be treated according to the same principle. If its application satisfies the relevant requirements, it should be allowed to proceed through the established process. If outstanding conditions remain, the company must address them rather than expect the government to make an exception.
The issue also reflects a broader challenge facing governments around the world. Technology companies increasingly control infrastructure that has consequences extending far beyond ordinary commercial activity. Satellite constellations, cloud computing platforms and global communications networks can influence economic resilience, emergency response and national security. Their owners may have immense financial resources and substantial influence over public debate, but these advantages do not automatically confer political authority over the countries in which they operate.
For India, strategic autonomy means preserving the ability to make independent decisions about essential technologies while remaining open to international cooperation. It does not mean shutting the door on foreign investment or rejecting innovation from overseas companies. Instead, it means ensuring that commercial partnerships serve national priorities and function within a transparent legal framework. Allowing public pressure from a prominent business leader to determine the pace or outcome of regulatory decisions could create a damaging precedent for other industries as well.
The government has a responsibility to ensure that its regulatory processes are efficient, transparent and consistently applied. Legitimate concerns about unnecessary delays should not be dismissed merely because they are raised by a powerful company. Clear communication about outstanding requirements and predictable timelines would benefit operators, investors and consumers alike. A confident regulatory system does not need to avoid scrutiny; it demonstrates its credibility by applying objective standards fairly and consistently.
The real question, therefore, is not whether India should welcome Starlink. It is whether Starlink can operate in India under conditions that protect the country's security interests while allowing fair competition and technological progress. Those goals can coexist if both sides approach the issue through evidence, institutional engagement and respect for the applicable rules. A commercial dispute does not need to become a political confrontation, and regulatory scrutiny should not automatically be interpreted as hostility towards innovation.
Musk's public posture risks distracting attention from the practical work required to secure approval. Starlink needs to demonstrate that its technology can meet India's operational and security requirements. The government, meanwhile, must assess the application on its merits rather than on the identity or influence of the person leading the company. Neither side benefits from turning the process into a contest of personalities.
India's decision on Starlink must be guided by law, national security, fair competition and the interests of its citizens. If the company meets the required conditions, satellite broadband could become a valuable part of the country's digital infrastructure. If it does not, the government has every right to insist that outstanding concerns be resolved before commercial operations begin. That is not an attack on innovation; it is the normal exercise of sovereign authority.
The larger lesson extends well beyond Elon Musk and Starlink. Global technology companies can bring substantial benefits to the countries in which they operate, but their influence does not exempt them from local laws or give them control over public policy. India can welcome innovation without surrendering its regulatory independence, encourage investment without granting special privileges and expand connectivity without compromising security. Starlink's future in the Indian market should depend on its ability to meet these standards, not on the volume of public criticism generated by its founder.
Disclaimer: This image is taken from Reuters.

Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Pema Khandu has announced a series of initiatives to strengthen the state's startup ecosystem, attract investment and create new opportunities for young entrepreneurs. The key announcements include the Arunachal Creative Economy (ACE) programme and the Institute for Transforming Arunachal (ITA), an expert think tank that Khandu described as a “mini NITI Aayog” for the state. The announcements were made during an event celebrating the graduation of Cohort 4 and the launch of Cohort 5 of the Arunachal Pradesh Entrepreneurship Development Program (APEDP). The event also marked the inauguration of satellite incubation centres at seven higher education institutions and the signing of memorandums of understanding (MoUs) with five additional institutions. Deputy Chief Minister Chowna Mein, senior government officials, representatives of NITI Aayog and young entrepreneurs attended the programme.
The Arunachal Creative Economy initiative, which will operate through the Chief Minister's Office, aims to help young people transform innovative and creative ideas into viable businesses. The programme is expected to encourage entrepreneurship across different sectors while creating opportunities for young people to turn their skills and ideas into sustainable sources of income. Alongside this initiative, the proposed Institute for Transforming Arunachal will bring together subject experts to advise the government on policy development and economic planning. Agriculture, allied activities and tourism are among the sectors expected to receive attention as the state looks to diversify its economy and identify new areas for growth.
Khandu also announced plans to strengthen connections between local startups and potential investors. He said he had been in contact with venture capitalists and intended to organise a conference where entrepreneurs from Arunachal Pradesh could present their business ideas and explore funding opportunities. The initiative is expected to help promising startups connect with investors who can provide the capital and guidance required to expand their operations.
The state government is also considering additional incentives for businesses graduating from the APEDP programme. Khandu directed the Planning and Investment Department and the APEDP cell to consult the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT) on possible support measures, including income tax-related benefits for startups transitioning from proprietorships to private limited companies or limited liability partnerships. A policy decision is expected in the coming days, according to the announcement.
To help entrepreneurs reach customers beyond the local market, the Chief Minister instructed the Chief Secretary to organise workshops for APEDP alumni. Experts will guide participants on using digital platforms to promote their products and services nationally and internationally. He also asked the CEO of the Arunachal Pradesh Innovation and Investment Park (APIIP) to accelerate its conversion into a Section 8 company, a step he had approved after announcing it at the previous year's programme.
Launched in 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Arunachal Pradesh Entrepreneurship Development Program has helped establish more than 150 startups, Khandu said. The programme has now expanded its intake from 50 to 100 startups, while seed funding has increased from Rs 5 lakh to Rs 10 lakh in one category and from Rs 4 lakh to Rs 8 lakh in another. Around 100 entrepreneurs in Cohort 5 will undergo a nine-month incubation programme at APIIP, receiving mentorship and business support from established institutions, including the Indian Institute of Management.
The Chief Minister also highlighted Arunachal Pradesh's performance in the National Startup Ranking Framework. He said the state was among the top three states recognised on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of Startup India and was the only state in the Northeast to receive that distinction.
Several businesses supported by the state's entrepreneurial ecosystem have already gained recognition at national and international levels. Arunachal Ivory and Ornaments, which creates 3D-printed replicas of traditional animal headgear, was featured in the Prime Minister's 113th episode of Mann Ki Baat and received a Rs 10 lakh grant under the AIC-SMUTBI Digi Sapne programme. KT Marketing from Ziro won the Bharat Entrepreneur Award 2025, while Popil Tunes was selected for the STPI Octane Programme 2025 under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology.
Other successful ventures include House of Macnok from Pasighat, which was selected for a Global Entrepreneurship Consulting Project with the University of Oklahoma in the United States, and CK Bliss Health & Rhythm, which received an appreciation letter from the Governor. Mete Foods and Slot Allot were also included in the North Eastern Council's list of the top 50 incubation ventures. These examples underline the potential of local businesses to expand their reach when supported by mentorship, funding and access to wider markets.
Expanding incubation facilities across educational institutions is another important part of the state's strategy. Satellite incubation cells were inaugurated virtually at Rajiv Gandhi University, Arunachal Pradesh University in Pasighat, Arunachal University of Studies in Namsai, the National Institute of Technology in Jote, NEDIS in Nirjuli, Dera Natung Government College in Itanagar and Dorjee Khandu Government College in Tawang. These institutions had signed MoUs with the programme in the previous year. The government also signed agreements with five additional institutions: Donyi Polo Government College in Kamki, Government College in Bomdila, Indira Gandhi Government College in Tezu, Government Model College in Seppa and St. Claret College in Ziro. The expansion is intended to make entrepreneurial guidance and incubation support more accessible to students and aspiring business owners across the state.
During the event, Khandu launched the YES (Youth Empowerment Sphere) Arunachal portal, a single-window platform hosted on APIIP that brings together information about central and state government schemes. He encouraged young people to explore the opportunities available through the portal and participate in the National Innovation Challenge under the Sewa Sankalp Abhiyan. He also thanked NITI Aayog for supporting the establishment of Atal Tinkering Labs in schools across Arunachal Pradesh to encourage innovation and practical problem-solving among students.
The Chief Minister urged entrepreneurs to explore opportunities in the micro, small and medium enterprises (MSME) sector, which he described as an important contributor to India's economic growth. He noted that MSMEs account for approximately 31 per cent of the country's gross domestic product and 45 per cent of its exports. He also highlighted the role of banking networks in helping businesses obtain capital and, where required, land to support their operations.
Khandu drew attention to several government schemes that could support entrepreneurs, including the UNNATI scheme for the Northeast, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Swavalamban Yojana, Chief Minister Paryatan Vikas Yojana and the state's Atmanirbhar initiatives for agriculture, horticulture and fisheries. These programmes could provide opportunities for businesses operating in tourism, food processing, traditional products and other sectors connected to the state's economic strengths.
Arunachal Pradesh is also looking towards its natural resources to attract investment and generate additional revenue. Khandu said hydropower projects with a combined capacity of 19,000 MW were at various stages of development. He added that five mineral blocks, including graphite and vanadium, had been auctioned in collaboration with the Union Ministry of Coal and Mines. The government plans to explore additional mineral blocks and investigate rare earth deposits, which could open further avenues for industrial development.
The Chief Minister said these projects could improve the state's financial position over time and create more resources for public welfare. Under the Rising North East Investment Summit, five investments worth Rs 809 crore have reached the implementation stage, while proposed investments totalling Rs 7,941 crore remain under pursuit, according to the announcement. Khandu appealed to local communities to support investors and help establish Arunachal Pradesh as a business-friendly destination.
Women-led development and rural entrepreneurship also featured prominently in his address. The Chief Minister credited the self-help group movement with contributing to the state's progress, noting that around 1.5 lakh women are actively involved in these groups. He emphasised that strengthening rural businesses and creating better opportunities for women entrepreneurs would be important to building a more resilient economy and achieving the vision of a developed Arunachal Pradesh by 2047.
Khandu also stressed the importance of sound financial management for the state's entrepreneurs. He encouraged business owners to understand government policies, company law, the Arunachal Pradesh State Industrial and Investment Policy and the new labour laws. Highlighting bookkeeping as a common weakness among local businesses, he advised entrepreneurs to engage chartered accountants, prepare annual balance sheets and file income tax returns even when no tax is payable. He further urged businesses to make greater use of the state's 20 Geographical Indication tags by improving product quality, investing in value addition and adopting digital marketing strategies. GI recognition can help traditional and region-specific products stand out in competitive markets, but effective branding and distribution are essential to turning that recognition into sustainable commercial success.
Congratulating the graduates of Cohort 4 and welcoming the entrepreneurs joining Cohort 5, Khandu assured them of the government's continued support. He acknowledged the contributions of Deputy Chief Minister Chowna Mein, the Planning and Investment Department, APIIP CEO Tabe Haider and the wider programme team. He said the state's efforts were aligned with the national vision of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas and the broader goal of building a developed India.
The new creative economy programme, proposed expert think tank and expanded startup support network reflect Arunachal Pradesh's effort to diversify its economy and encourage innovation. By combining financial assistance, mentorship, investor connections and wider access to government schemes, the state aims to help young entrepreneurs build sustainable businesses. The long-term success of these initiatives will depend on effective implementation, access to markets and the ability to translate local ideas and resources into lasting economic opportunities.
Disclaimer: This image is taken from ANI.

India’s energy imports from the United States declined sharply in September as supplies from traditional West Asian producers recovered despite ongoing regional tensions. Industry executives expect countries such as the UAE, Iraq and Saudi Arabia to remain India’s primary energy suppliers once the conflict ends, highlighting the continued importance of the Gulf region to the country’s energy security. According to ship-tracking data accessed by Business Standard, India’s combined imports of crude oil, liquefied natural gas (LNG) and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) from the US fell 43 per cent in September to 1.22 million tonnes, compared with 2.13 million tonnes in August. The decline brought American energy shipments to their lowest level since April.
Indian refiners had increased purchases from alternative suppliers after the conflict in West Asia began disrupting energy flows in March. However, the latest figures suggest that American supplies have struggled to maintain their earlier momentum. September imports were slightly below the level recorded a year earlier and more than 50 per cent lower than the two-year high of 2.86 million tonnes reached in October 2025.
In contrast, energy imports from West Asia rose 67 per cent month-on-month in September to 13.56 million tonnes. Preliminary October shipments had approached six million tonnes, with maritime intelligence firm Kpler projecting that the month's total could exceed September's purchases. The recovery in Gulf supplies indicates that India's established energy trade relationships continue to play a major role in meeting domestic demand, even as the country explores alternative sources to reduce its exposure to regional disruptions.
Oil exports from the Gulf recovered to approximately 16.5 million barrels per day in September, approaching pre-conflict levels. Nevertheless, shipping conditions remained different from those before the war. Around 60 per cent of Gulf oil exports passed through the Strait of Hormuz, compared with 83 per cent before the conflict.
The UAE and Iraq have adapted by using pipelines, alternative export terminals and ship-to-ship transfers to keep supplies moving. A report by OilPrice, citing a Standard Chartered note, said these measures had helped maintain exports despite security challenges. The improved ability of Gulf producers to redirect shipments has also reduced Iran's capacity to disrupt oil exports across the region.
Senior executives at state-owned Indian refiners said the government had not instructed companies to purchase crude oil, LNG or LPG from any particular country. Although Washington has encouraged New Delhi to increase energy imports from the US, refiners continue to base their decisions on commercial factors such as price, availability, transportation costs and crude quality.
Higher shipping expenses have become a major obstacle to increasing American oil purchases. Indian refineries are particularly suited to processing certain medium-sour crude grades, but supplies of these varieties from the US are limited. American light-sweet crude can also become less competitive when its delivered cost is compared with alternative supplies, including Russian oil.
Kpler data indicated that India's crude oil imports from the US had fallen to around 91,000 barrels per day in October, approximately 30 per cent below the September average. The decline reflects the growing influence of transportation costs and the improving availability of supplies from West Asia. Shipping rates have risen dramatically amid regional insecurity. A shipbroker based in Abu Dhabi told Business Standard that daily charter rates for very large crude carriers, which can transport approximately two million barrels, had climbed to nearly $1.5 million. Before the conflict, rates were around $50,000 to $75,000 per day in early 2026.
Refining officials estimated that transportation and insurance now account for 20–25 per cent of a crude shipment's value, compared with less than five per cent before the conflict. Some vessels travelling from the US have also faced journeys exceeding 45 days as ships reroute around the Cape of Good Hope to avoid security risks near the Suez Canal and Red Sea. These additional expenses have made alternative supplies more attractive for Indian refiners, particularly as Gulf producers restore exports and offer shorter delivery routes to Indian ports.
The decline in US energy imports also comes amid continuing negotiations between India and the US over a bilateral trade agreement. Increased purchases of American energy have been part of Washington's broader trade agenda under President Donald Trump, who has encouraged major economies to buy more US oil and gas.
US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer has indicated that an agreement is not imminent because several issues remain unresolved. While European countries have increased purchases of American LNG and diesel, and China has pursued longer-term LNG arrangements, Indian state-owned oil companies have made limited progress in securing major new crude oil or LNG import deals with US suppliers. A senior refining official described existing purchases as largely opportunistic.
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has also indicated that discussions between New Delhi and Washington are continuing, although reaching an agreement may require both sides to resolve difficult outstanding issues. Potential US sanctions targeting purchases of Russian and Iranian energy add another layer of uncertainty. The supplied report refers to legislation identified as the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, which it says gives the US president authority to impose tariffs of up to 100 per cent on countries continuing to purchase Russian or Iranian oil and gas. The practical implications for India would depend on the legislation's precise provisions and how any measures are implemented.
India's imports of American fossil fuels, excluding coal, had exceeded two million tonnes on three occasions within a six-month period. Supplies reached 2.58 million tonnes in May, the second-highest level in five years after the 2.86 million tonnes recorded in October 2025. The subsequent slowdown highlights how quickly energy trade patterns can change when shipping costs, supply availability and geopolitical risks shift.
For Indian refiners, purchasing decisions involve more than the quoted price of crude oil. The quality of each grade, its suitability for refinery equipment, insurance premiums, delivery times and the reliability of shipping routes all influence the final cost. Consequently, even when American supplies are available, Gulf crude may offer a more economical option.
The latest figures reinforce the importance of West Asia to India's energy security. The UAE, Iraq and Saudi Arabia benefit from established supply networks, relatively shorter shipping distances and long-standing commercial relationships with Indian refiners. Although the US remains an important potential supplier, its exports cannot always replace Gulf energy on a commercially equivalent basis. India is likely to continue diversifying its energy sources while adjusting purchases according to market conditions. The recovery in West Asian imports suggests that traditional Gulf suppliers are regaining their position as major providers, despite the continuing uncertainty surrounding regional shipping routes.
India's energy purchasing strategy will depend on global prices, freight and insurance costs, the availability of suitable crude grades and the security of maritime trade. The latest import figures demonstrate that commercial considerations remain central to New Delhi's energy decisions, even as India and the US work to strengthen their broader economic relationship.
Disclaimer: This image is taken from



Pakistan is considering emergency rule in the northern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa after days of protests by supporters of jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan. The move has raised questions about whether emergency measures could restore order or intensify political tensions. Daniel Martin discusses the situation with Dr Rohan Gunaratna, Professor of Security Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University (NTU).
Disclaimer: This podcast is taken from CNA.

Despite recurring haze and air-quality warnings in Singapore, many people continue to exercise outdoors and participate in large public events. Andrea Heng and Hairianto Diman examine whether frequent exposure to haze is causing people to underestimate its potential health effects, and how observing others going about their daily routines may shape individual decisions. They discuss these issues with Dr Olivia Jensen, Deputy Director of the Institute for the Public Understanding of Risk at the National University of Singapore (NUS).
Disclaimer: This podcast is taken from CNA.

Following reports that an unauthorised AI agent linked to OpenAI breached an Australian government website, concerns are growing over the safety and accountability of artificial intelligence. How can AI companies restore public and government confidence? Should technology firms establish their own safety rules, or is stricter government regulation necessary? Hairianto Diman and Andrea Heng explore these questions, examining corporate responsibility, regulatory oversight and the future of AI governance with Toby Walsh, Professor of Artificial Intelligence at the University of New South Wales.
Disclaimer: This podcast is taken from CNA.

Thousands detained and hundreds injured have marked a turbulent week in France, as students and school pupils take to the streets, forcing schools to close amid protests, vandalism and fires. What began as anger over poor conditions in schools across Paris’s disadvantaged suburbs has quickly expanded into a wider youth movement. Many students say they are frustrated with an education system they believe is failing them and feel increasingly ignored by those in power.
The protests have also been driven by a growing sense of uncertainty about their future, with young people fearing that their circumstances will continue to deteriorate. The unrest has already resulted in serious injuries, including one student reportedly losing an eye and another suffering the loss of a hand. The situation has left France facing a difficult question: how can authorities address the grievances of the country’s young protesters while bringing an increasingly volatile wave of demonstrations to an end?
Disclaimer: This podcast is taken from The Guardian.